Historia Ecclesiastica

Eusebius of Caesarea

Eusebius. Historia Ecclesiastica, Volumes 1-2. Lake, Kirsopp, translator; Oulton, J.E.L., translator. London; New York: William Heinemann, G.P. Putnam's Sons, 1926-1932.

XXI. Αnd at the same time in the reign of Commodus our treatment was changed to a milder one, and by the grace of God peace came on the churches throughout the whole world. The word of salvation began ` to lead every soul of every race men to the pious worship of the God of the universe, so that now many of those who at Rome were famous for wealth and family turned to their own salvation with all their house and with all their kin. This was unendurable to the demon who hates good, envious as he is by nature, and he again stripped for conflict,

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and prepared various derices against uS. In the city οf the Romans he brought before thc court Apollonius, a man famous among the ChristianS of that time for his education and philosophy, and raised up to accuse him one οf his Servants who waS suitable for this. But the coward entered the case at a bad bme, for according to imperial decree informers on such points were not allowed to live; so they broke his legs at once, for the judge Perennius decreed this sentence against him. But the martyr, beloved of God, when the judge earnertly begged and prayed him to defend himself before the senate, made before every οne a most learned defence of the faith for which hc was a martyr, and was consecrated by beheaffing as if bv decree of the senate: for an aneient law obtrialned among them that there should be no οther issue for the case οf those who once appeared befor the court and ffid not change their opinion. The words of Apollonius before the judge dge and the answers which he made to the interrogation οf Perennius, and all the defence which he made to the senate, can be read by anyone who wishes in the compilation which we have made οf the ancient martyrs.1

XXII. In the tenth year ofthe reign οf Commodus 2 victor sueceeded Eleutherus who had served in the episcopate thirteen years. Ιn the same year Julian had completed his tenth year, and Demetrius was appointed to the administration of the Alexandrian dioceses, and at the same time the famous Serapion, whom we mentioned before, was bishop of the ehurch [*](1 See Introduction, p. xxlli. The facts as to Apollonius are obscurc; but the servant waS probably executed in accordance with the law against slaves who betrayed their mnsters.) [*](2 That is, in A.D. 189.)

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of Antioch and the eighth from the apostles. Theophilus ruled Caesarea in Palestine, and Narcissus, whomour work has mentioned before, still holding the administration of the church at Jerusalem. and at the same time bacchyllus was bishop of Corinth in Greece and Polycrates of the diocese of Ephesus. There were also, of course, countless other famous men at this time, but we have naturally given the names of those the orthodoxy of whose faith has been preserved to us in writing.

XXIII. At thattime time no small controversy arose because all the dioceses of Asia thought it right, as though by more ancient tradition, to observe for the feast of the Saniour's passover tbe fourteenth day of the moon, on which the Jews had been commanded to kill the lamb. Thus it was necessary to finish tbe fast on that day, whatever day of the Week it might be. 1 Υet it was not the custom to celebrate in this manner in the churches throughout the rest of the world, for from apostolic tradition they kept the custom which still exists that it is not right to finish tbe fast on any day save that of the resurrection of our Saviour. Many meetings and conferences with bishops were beld on this point, and all unanimously formulated in their letters the doctrine of the church for those in every country country that the mystery of the Lord's resurrection from the dead could be celebrated on no day save Sunday, 2 and [*](1 That is, instead of Good Friday as the anniversary of the Lord's death the Asiatic Christians observed the Jewish feast on the fourteenth day after the new moon with which the month Nisan began. Hence they are often called Quartodecimans.) [*](2 And therefore the celebration of the crucifixion must come οn a Friday.)

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that οn that day alone we should celebrate the end of the paschal faSt. Thcre is still eXtallt a writing of those who were eonvened in Palestine, οver whom piesided Theophilus, bishop of the dioeeSe of Caesarea, and Narcissus, bishop of Jerusalem; and there is similarly another from those in Rome on the same eontroversy, which gives Vietor as bishop; and there is one of the bishops of Pontus over whom Palmas presided as the oldest; and of the dioceses of Oaul, of which Irenaeus was biShop bishop; and yet οthers οf those in OSrhoene and the citieS there; and particularly οf Bacchyllus, the bishop of the chureh of Corinth; and οf ver y many moie who expreSsed one and the Same opinion and judgement, and gave the same vote.

XXIV. These iSsued the single definition which was given above; but the bishops in Asia were led by Polycrates in persisting that it was necessary to keep the custom whieh had been handed doWn to them of old. Polycrates himself in a document which he addreSsed to victor and to the church of Rome, expounds the traffition which had come to him as follows. “Therefore we keep the day undeviatingly, neither adding nor taking away, for in Αsia great luminaries 1 sleep, and they will rise on the day of the coming of the Lord, when he shall come with glory from heaven and seek out 2 all the saints. sueh were Philip of the twelve apostles, and two of his daughters Who grew old as virgins, who sleep in Hierapolis, and another daughter of his, who lived in the Ηoly spirit, reSts at Ephesus. Moreover, [*](1 στοιχεῖα in late Greek often means the planets.) [*](2 some Mss. (AB) read ἀναστήσει, “raise ” and this may be the right reading.)

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there is also John, who lay on the Lord's breast, who was a priest wearing the breastplate, and a martyr, and teacher. Ηe sleeps at Εphesus. Αnd there is also Ρolycarp at smyrna, both bishop and martyr, and Thraseas, both bishop and martyr, from Εumenaea, who sleeps in Smyrna. Αnd why should I speak of Sagaris, bishop and martyr, who sleeps at Laodicaea, and Papirius, too, the blessed, and Melito the eunuch, who lived entirely in the Ηoly Spirit, who lies in sardis, waiting for the visitation from heaven when he will rise from the dead? Αll these kept the fourteenth day of the passover accorffing to the gospel, never swerving, but following according to the rule of the faith. Αnd I also, Ρolycrates, the least of you all, live according to the tradition οf my kinsmen, and some or them have I followed. For seven of m y family were bishops and 1 am the eighth, and my kinsmen ever kept the day when the people put away the leaven. Therefore, brethren, Ι who have lived sixty- nve years in the Lord and conversed with brethren from every country, and have studied all holy scripture, am not afraid of threats, for they have said who were greater than I, ‘It is better to obey ood rather than men.’”

Ηe continues about the bishops who when he wrote were with him and shared his opimon, and says thus: “And I could mention the bishops who are present whom you required me to summon, and I did so. If I should write their names they would be many multitudes; and they knowing my feeble

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humanity, agreed with the lerter, knowing that not in vain is my head grey, but that 1 have ever lived in Christ Jesus.”

Upon this Victor, who presided at Rome, immediately tried to cut off from the common unity the dioceses of all Αsia, together with the adjacent churches, οn the ground of heterodoxy, and he indited letters announcing that all the Christians there were absolutely excommunicated. But by no means all were pleased by this, so they isSued counter-requests to him to consider the cause of peace and unity and love towards his neighbours. Thcir words are extant, sharply rebuking victor. Αmοng them too Irenaeus, writing in the name of the Christians whose leader he was in Oaul, though he recommends that the mystery of the ’s resurrection be observed only οn the Lord's day, yet nevertheless exhorts victor suitably and at length not to excommunicate whole churches of God for following a traffidltion οf ancient custom, and eontinues as follows: “For the controversy is not only about the day, but also about the actual character οf the fast; for some think that they ought to fast οne day, others two, others even more, some count their day as forty hours, day and night. 1 Αnd such variation of observance ffid not begin in οur own timep but much earlier, in the days of οur predecessors who, [*](3 The construction οf the Greek is harsh: γεγονυῖα seems a mistake for γέγονε.)

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it would appear, ffisregarding strictness maintained a practice which is simple and yet allows for personal preference, establishing it for the future, and none the less all these lived in peace, and we also live in peace with one another and the disagreement in the fast connrms οur agreement in the faith.”

Ηe adds to this a narrative whieh I may suitably quote, running as follows: “Among these too were the presbyters before soter, who presided over church of which you are now the leader, I mean Anicetus and Ρius and telesphorus and Xystus. ney did not themselves observe it, 1 nor ffid they enjoin it οn those who followed them, and though they ffidId not keep it they Were none the less at peace with those from the ffioceses in which it was οbserved when tbey came to them, although to observe it was more objectionable to those who ffid not do so, 2 Αnd no οne was ever rejected for this reason, but the presbyters before you who did not observe it sent the Εucharist to those from other dioceses who did; and when the blessed Polycarp was staying in Rome in the time of Anicetus, though they disagreed a little about some other things as well, they immediately made peace, having no wish for strife between them on this marter. For neither waS Anicetus able to persuade Polycarp not to observe it, inasmuch as he had always done so in company with John the disciple of οur Lord and the other apostles with whom he had associated; nor did Polycarp persuade Anicetus to observe it, for he said that he ought to

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keep the eustom of thOse who Vere presbyters before him. Αnd under these circumstances they communicated Vith eaeh other, and in the church Anicetus yielded the eelebrariOn Of rile Fucharist to Polycarp ObViouriy out Of respect, and tbey parted from each other in peace, fOr the peace Of the whole church was kept both by thOse who obserVCd and by those Who did not.”

Αnd Irenaeus, who deserVed his name, making an eirenicon in this vay, gaVe exhortations of this kind for the peace of the church and served as as ambassador, for in letters he diseussed the Various views on the issue vhieh had been raised, not Only with Vletor but with Vith many other rulers of churehes.

XXV. The Palestinians whom Ve bave reeenriy mentioned, that is to say Narcissus and Theophilus, and with them Cassius, the bishop of the church in Tyre, and Clarus, the birilop Of the church in Ptolemais, and thoSe Vho aembled rith them, treated at length the tradition concerning rile passover which had come down tO them frOm the succession of the apostles, and at the end Of their riring they add as follows: “Try tO send copies of Our letter to eVery diocese that ve may nOt be guilty towards thOse who easily deeeiVe tbeir own sOulS. Αnd Ve make it plain tO you that in Alexandria also they celebrate the Same day as do we, for letters have been eXehanged between them and us, so that we obserVe the holy day together and in agreement.”

XXVI. Ιn addition to the published treatises

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and to the letters of Irenaeus, there is extant a concise and extremely convincing treatise of hiS against the Greeks, entitled Concerning Knowledge, and another vhieh he has dedicated to a Christian named Marcian on the Demonstration of the Apostolic Preaching, and a little book of Various discourses in which he menrions the Epistle to the Hebrews and the so-called Wisdom of solOmon, quoting certain passages from them. such is the extent Of our knovledge of the works of Irenaeus.

When CommoduS had riniShed his relgn after thirteen years severus became emperor not quite six monthS after the death Or CommOdus, Pertinax coming in the interval. 1

XXVII. Many workes of the Virtuous zeal of the aneient members of rile church of that time have still been widely preserved until now, and we haVc read them OurselveS. such are the writings of Heraclitus on the Epistles, 2 and the writings of Maximus on the problem of the source of eVri; sO much traversed by the heretic, and on whether matter has an origin, the works of Candidus on the Hexaëmeron, 3 and of Apion On the same subject, also of seXtuS on the Resurrection, and another treatise of Arabianus, and eountless Others of whieh We are unable from lack of evidenee to give the date or any aecOunts Of their hiStOry. Αnd there are many otherS alSo which have reaehed uS, but we cannot even giVe their names, yet they are orthodox [*](2 Literally “on the apostle,” which in ecclesiastical Greek regularly means the Epistles of Paul, not the Acts of the Apostles. 3 That is, the the Six days of creation.)

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and Christian, as their interpretation of the dirine Scripture demonstrates, but the writers are unknown to us bccause their names are not given in their writings.

XXVIII. In a treatise worked out by one of these against the heresy of Αrtemon, which Ρaul of Samosata has tried to renew in our time, there is extant an account which bears οn the history which we are examining. For he criticizes the abovementioned heresy (which claims that the sarivlour was a mere man) as a recent innovation, beeause those who introduced it wished to make it respectable as being ancient. Among many other points adduced in refutation of their blasphemous falsehood, the treatise rehtes this this: “For For they say that all who went before and the apostles themselves received and taught what they now say, and that the truth of the teaching was preserved until the times οf victor, who was the tffihlrteenth bishop in Rome after Ρeter, but that the truth had been corrupted from the time of his successor, Zephyrinus. What they said might perhaps be plausible if in the nrst place the dirine scriptures were not opposed to them, and there are also writings of certain christians, older than the time of Victor, wHch they wrote to the Gentiles οn behalf of the truth and against the heresies of their οwn time. 1 mean the works of Justin and Miltiades and Tatian and Clement and many others in all of which Christ is treated as God. For who is ignorant of the books of Irenaeus and Melito and the others who announced Christ as God

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and man? Αnd all the Ρsalms and hymns which were written by faithful Christians from the beginning sing of the Christ as the LogoS of Ood and treat him as God. Ηοw then is it possible that aftcr the mind οf the church had been announced for so many years that the generation before Victor can have Ρreached as these say? Why are they not ashamed of so calumniating Victor when they know quite well that Victor excommunicated Theodotus the cobbler, the founder and father of this insurrection which denie God, when he nrst said that Christ was a mere man? For if Victor was so minded towards them as their blasphemy teaches, how could he have thrown out Theodotus who invented this heresy?”

Such were the events of the time of Victor. When he had held his office ten yearS, Zephyrinus WaS appointed his suceessor in the ninth year of the reign οf Severus. 1 Αnd the author of the book mentioned about the founder of the above-mentioned heresy adds another incident which happened in the time of Zephyrinus and wTites as follows: “I will at least remind many of the brethren of an event whieh happened in our time whieh I think would have probably been a warning to the men of sodom had it happened in their city. There Was a certain confessor, Natalius, not long ago but in our own time. Ηe was deceived by Asclepiodotus and by a second Theodotus, a banker. These were both ffiscipleS of Theodotus the cobbler, who was first excommunicated by vietor, who, as I said, was then bishop, for this way [*](1 That is, A.D. 201. But reckoning backwards from the time οf Callistus who seems to have become bbhop of Romc in 217, when Zephyrinus had been bishop for eighteen years (cf. Eusebius, Hist. Eccl. vi. 21), It Would seem that this datc is somewhat too late.)

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of thinking, or rather of not thinking. Natalius was persuaded by them to be called bishop of this heresy with a salary, so that he was paid a hundred and Rfty denarii a month by them.1 When he was with them he was οften warned by the Lord in visions, for οur merciful Ood and Lord, Jesus ChriSt, did not with that there should go out of the church and perish one who had been a vitness οf his own sufferings.2 But when he paid indifferent artention to the visions, for he Was entrapped by hiS leading rank among them and by that covetousness which ruins so many, he was at last scourged all night long by holy angels, and suffered not a little, so that in the morning he got up, put on sackcloth, and covered himseR with ashes, and went with much haste, and fell down with tears before Ζephyrinus the bishop, rolling at the feet not only of the elergy but also of the laity, and moved vith his tears the compassionate church οf the merciful Christ. But for all hiS prayers and the exhibition of the wealS of the stripes he had received, he was searcely admitted into communion.”

We would add to this some other Words of the same author on the same persons, Which run as follows : “ They have not feared to corrupt divine scriptures, they have nullified the rule of ancient faith, they have not known Christ, they do not inquire what the divine scriptures sa y, but in- dustriously consider what syllogistic Bgure may be found for the support of their atheiSm. Ιf anyone adduced to them a text of divine Scripture they [*](1 That is, rather more than 𝕷5. This is the hrst clear instanee οf the payment of bishops, but compare chapter 18. 2.) [*](2 This does not mean more than ἴ’ had been a confessor ’’ — a witness in court to the “sufferings of Christ.”)

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inquire whether it can be put in the form of a conjunctive or a disjunctive syllogism. They abandon the holy scripture of God and Study geometry, 1 for they are of the earth and they speak of the earth and ffihlm who comes from above they do not know. Some οf them, forsooth, study the geometry οf Euclid and admire Αristotle and Theophrastus. Galen perhaps is even worshipped by some of them. when they make a bad use of the arts of unbelievers ror the opinions of their heresy, and adulterate the simple faith of the divine seriptures by the cunning οf the godless, what need is there to say that they are not even near the faith f For this cause they ffid not fear to lay hands οn the divine scriptures, saying that they had eonected them. Αnd that 1 do not calumniate them in saying tffis anywhowish can learn, for if any be willing to collect and compare with each other the texts of each of them, he would hnd them in great discord, for the copies 3 of Asclepiades do not agree vith those of Theodotus, and it is possible to obtain many of them because their disciples have diligently wTitten out copies corrected, as they say, but really corrupted by each of them. Again the eopies of Hermophilus do not agree with these, the copies οf ΑΡolloniades are not even consistent with themselves, for the eopies copies b y them at Rrst can be compared With those whieh later on underwent a second corruption, and they [*](3 That is, the copies of Scripture used by Apparently these Roman hereties added textual erltlcrim to the sin οf using Aristotle's logic, and were unable to reslst the temptations of conjectural emendation.)
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will be found to disagree greatly. The impudence of this sin can careely be unknown even to them, for either they do not believe that rile diVine scriptures were spoken by the Holy Spirit, and if so they are unbelievers, or they think that they are wiser than the Ηoly spirit, and what are they but demoniacs? For they cannot even deny that this crime is theirs, seeing that the copies were Written in their own hand, and they did not receive the seriptures in thiS eondition from their teachers, nor can they show originals from whieh they made their copies. some of them have not thOught it neeessary even to emend the text, but simply deny the LaW and the Prophets, and thuS on the pretence 1 of their Wieked and godleSs teaching have fallen to the lowest destruction of ” Αnd let this suffice for these things.

[*](1 χάριτος seems to be a primitive error, for though it is found in all the Mss. it is impossible to give it any reasonable sense. Possibly a Word has fallen out which would gbe the meaning “they have fallen from grace, etc.”)
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CONTENTS ΟF BOOK VI

The Sixth Book of the Ecclesiastical History contains the following:

I. On the persecution under Severus.

II. Οn Οrigen’s training from boyhood.

ΙII. How he set forth the word of Christ when quite young.

IV. How many of those insructed by him were elevated to the rank of martyrs.

V. Οn Potamiaena.

VI. On Clement the Alexandrian.

VII. Οn Judas, a writer.

VIII. On Origen's rash act.

IX. On the miraeles of Narcissus.

X. On the bishops at Jerusalem.

XI. Οn Alexander.

XII. Οn Serapion and his extant works.

XIII. On the treatises Of Clement.

XIV. What Scriptures he mentioned.

XV. Οn Heraclas.

XVI. How Origen laboured at the divine Scriptures.

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XVII. Οn symmaehus the translator.

XVIII. Οn Αmbrose.

XIX. What things are mentioned concerning Origen.

XX. What books of the mcn of that day are extant.

XXI. What bishops were well known in the time of these persons.

XXII. What works of Hippolytus have reached us.

XXIII. Οn Origen's zeal, and how he was deemed worthy of the presbyterate in the Church.

XXIV. The commentaries he wrote at Alexandria.

XXV. Ηow he mentioned the Canonical Scriptures.

XXVI. Ηow the bishops regarded him.

XXVII. Ηow Ηeraelas succeeded to the episcopate of the Alexandrians.

XXVIII. Οn the persecution under Maximin.

XXIX. Οn Fabian, how he was miraculously designated bishop of the Romans by God.

XXX. What pupils of Origen there have been.

XXXI. On Africanus.

XXXII. The commentaries that Origen wrote at Caesarea in Ρalertine.

XXXIII. Οn the error or Beryllus.

XXXIV. What happened under Philopl.

XXXV. How Dionysius succeeded Ηeraclas in the episcopate.

XXXVI. Οther works composed by Οrigen.

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XXXVII. Οn the dissension of the Arabians.

XXXVIII. Οn the heresy of the Helkesaites.

XXIX. Οn what happened under Decius.

XL. Οn what befell Dionysius.

XLI. On those that suffered martyrdom Alexandira itself.

XLII. On the other martyrdoms which Dionysius relates.

XLIII. Οn Novatus, his manner of life, and his heresy.

XLIV. Α story of Dionysius about Serapion.

XLV. Letter of Dionysius to Novatus.

XLVI. Οn the other letters of Dionysius.

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THΕ ECCLESIASTICAL ΙSTΟRV ΟF EUSEBIUS

BΟΟΚ VII

1. Νow when Severus also was stirring up persecution against the churches, in every place splendid martyrdoms of the champions of piety were accomplished, but with especial frequency at Alexandria. Thither, as to some great arena, were escorted from Εgypt and the whole Thebais God's champions, who, through their most stedfast endurance in divers tortures and modes of death, were wreathed with the crowns laid up with God. Αmong these was Leonides, known as “the father of Οrigen,’’ who was beheaded, leaving his son behind him quite young. It will not be out of place to deseribe briefly how deliberately the mind was set on the Divine Word from that early age, especially as the story about him has received exceedingly widespread notoriety.

II. Μany indeed, would there be to say, if one were to attempt at leisure to hand down in writing the man's life, and the narrative concerning him would require also a work of its own. Nevertheless, on the present occasion abridging most things as briefly as may be, we shall state some few of the facts concerning him,

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gathering what we set forth from certain letters and information derived from pupils of his, whose lives have been preserved even to our day.

In the case of Origen I think that even the facts from his very cradle,1 so to speak, are worthy mention. For Severus was in the tenth year of his reigh,2 and Laetus was governor of Alexandria the rest of Εgypt, and Demetrius had just then received the episcopate οf the communities there in succession to Julian. When, therefore, the flame οf persecution was kindled to a fierce blaze, and countless numbers were being wreathed with the crowns οf martyrdom, Origen's soul was with such a passion for martyrdom, while he was still quite a boy, that he was all eagerness to come to close quarters with danger, and to leap forward and rush into the conflict. In fact, it were but a very little step and the end of his life was at hand, had not the divine and heavenly providence, acting for the general good through his mother, stood in the way of his zeal. She, at all events, at first had recourse to verbal entreaties, bidding him spare a mother's feelings; then, when he learnt that his father had been captured and was kept in prison, and his whole being was set on the desire for martyrdom, perceiving that his purpose was more resolute than ever, she hid all his clothes, and so laid upon him the necessity of remaining at home. Αnd since nothing else remained for him to do, and a zeal, intense beyond his years, suffered him not to be quiet, he sent to his father a letter on martyrdom most strongly urging him οn, in which he advises him in these very words, saying : “Take care to to change [*](1 Lit. “swaddling-clothes.” 2 Α. D. 203.)

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thy mind on account.’’ Let this be recorded as the first proof of Origen's boyish readiness of mind and genuine love of godliness. For indeed in the study of the faith also he had already laid down a good foundation, having been trained in the divine Scriptures from the from the time that he was still a boy. Certainly it was no ordinary amount of labour that he bestowed on these, since his father, in addition to the customary curriculum, took pains that these also should be for him no secondary matter. On all occasions, for example, he kept urging him before beginning his secular1 lessons to train himself in the sacred studies, exacting from him each day learning by heart and repetition. Αnd this the boy did with no lack of willingness, nay, he worked with even excessive zeal at these studies, so that he was not satisfied with reading the sacred words in a simple and literal manner, but sought something further, and busied himself, even at that age, with deeper speculations, troubling his father by his questions as to what could be the inner meaning of the inspired Scripture. Αnd his father would rebuke him ostensibly to his face, counselling him to seek nothing beyond his years nor anything further than the manifest meaning; but secretly in himself he rejoiced greatly, and gave profound thanks to God, the Αuthor of all good things, that Ηe had deemed him worthy to be the father of such a boy. Αnd it is said that many a time he would stand over the sleeping boy and uncover his breast, as if a divine spirit were enshrined therein, and kissing it with reverence count himself happy in his goodly offspring. [*](1 Ἑλληνικῶν, “pagan’’; cf. the use of the word in 2 Mace. iv. 10)
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These are the stories, and others akin to these, that they tell about Origen's boyhood.

But when his father had been perfected by martyrdom, he was left destitute with his mother and six smaller brothers, when he was not quite seventeen. His father's property was confiscated for the imperial treasury, and he found himself, along with his ralatives, in want of the necessaries of life. Yet he was deemed worthy of divine aid, and met with welcome and refreshment from a certain lady, very rich in this world's goods, and otherwise distinguished, who nevertheless was treating with honour a wellknown person, one of the heretics at Alexandria at that time Ηe was an Antiochene by race, but the lady we have mentioned kept him at her house as her adopted son, and treated him with especial honour. But although Origen of necessity had to consort with him, he used to give clear proofs of his orthodoxy, at that age, in the faith. For though very great numbers, not only of heretics but also of our own people, were gathered together with Ρaul (for that was the man's name), attracted by his apparent skilfulness in speech, Origen could never be persuaded to associate with him in prayer, keeping the rule οf the Church, even from boyhood, and “loathing’’ — the very word he himself uses somewhere— teachings of the heresies. Ηis father had brought him forward in secular studies, and after his death he applied himself wholly with renewed zeal to a literary training, so that he had a tolerable amount οf pronciency in letters; and, not not after his father's perfecting, by dint of application to these

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studies, he was abundantly supplied, for a person of his years, with the necessaries of of life.