Res Gestae

These, then, are undeniable indications of Valentinian’s character and his blood-thirsty tendency. But, on the other hand, no one, not even one of his persistent detractors, will reproach him with lack of ingenuity in behalf of the state, especially if one bears in mind that it was a more valuable service to check the barbarians by frontier defences than to defeat them in battle. And when he had given[*](There is a lacuna of five lines, doubtless containing a description of a line of fortifications with watch-towers.) . . . if any of the enemy made a move, he was seen from above from the watchtowers, and overcome.

But among many other cares, his first and principal aim was to capture alive by violence or by craft King Macrianus,[*](King of the Alamanni, xviii. 2, 15; xxviii. 5, 8.) just as, long before, Julian took Vadomarius; for Macrianus, amid the frequent changes in the policy followed towards him, had increased in power, and now was rising against our countrymen with full-grown strength. Accordingly, having first provided what the circumstances and the time demanded, and having learned from the reports of deserters where the said king, who expected no hostile move, could be seized, Valentinian threw a pontoon across the Rhine as quietly as his means allowed, lest anyone should interfere with the bridge while it was being put together.

And

There he chanced to find some of the traders[*](scurrae is used also of Germans serving in the Roman army. Cf. Lampr., Alex. Sev. 61, 3, unus ex Germanis, qui scurrarum officium sustinebat. Here perhaps campfollowers.) leading slaves intended for sale, and because he suspected that they would quickly run off and report what they had seen, he took their wares[*](I.e., the slaves.) from them and killed them all.

Then the generals,[*](Here iudices is used of military officials.) encouraged by the arrival of additional troops, encamped, with a view to a very short stay, since no one had a pack-animal or a tent, except the emperor, for whom a rug and a rough blanket[*](Cf. xvi. 5, 5.) sufficed for such a shelter. Then, after delaying for a time on account of the darkness of night, as soon as the morning-star uprose, since the campaign called for haste, they advanced farther, led by guides who knew the roads; and a large force of cavalry was ordered to precede them under command of Theodosius, that nothing might be unobserved[*](Here there is a lacuna of 3 1/2 lines. The general sense probably is, that the emperor went on to meet the king.) . . . was lying at the time; but he was prevented by the continuous noise made by his men; for although he constantly commanded them to abstain

Valentinian was robbed of this glory,[*](Of taking the king prisoner.) not by his own fault or that of his generals, but by the indiscipline of the soldiers, which has often caused the Roman state heavy losses; so, after reducing the enemy’s territory to ashes for fifty miles,[*](Some MSS. say five hundred.) he returned sadly to Treves.

There, as a lion, because he has lost a deer or a goat, gnashes his empty jaws, just when the forces of the enemy were broken and scattered by fear, in place of Macrianus he made Fraomarius king of the Bucinobantes, a tribe of the Alamanni dwelling opposite Mainz. And soon afterwards, since a recent invasion had utterly devastated that, canton, he transferred him to Britain with the rank of tribune, and gave him command of a troop[*](For this meaning of numeri, applied both to cohorts and legions, cf., for example, militares numeros, xiv. 7, 19; numeris Moesiacorum duobus, xx. 1, 3; Suet., Aug. 17. 3.) of the Alamanni which at that time was distinguished for its numbers and its strength. Bitheridus, indeed, and Hortarius (chiefs of the same nation) he appointed to commands in the army; but of these Hortarius was betrayed by a report of Florentius, commander in Germany, of having written certain things to the detriment of the state to Macrianus and the chiefs of the barbarians, and after the truth was wrung from him by torture he suffered the penalty of death by burning.

Then amid[*](The words Abhinc inter are followed by a lacuna of 2 1/2 lines. Ammianus takes up the narrative from xxviii. 6, disregarding the exact chronology; cf. Orosius, vii. 33, 6, who places the uprising of Firmus in the time of Valentinian and Valens.) . . . it has seemed best to give an account, without a break, of what happened next, lest while, amongst matters and places widely separated, others are intruded, the survey of many varying events may inevitably be confused.

Nubel, as a petty king, had great power among the Moorish peoples; on departing from life, besides legitimate sons he left some that were the offspring of concubines. Of the latter Zammac, who was beloved by the general called Romanus,[*](See xxviii. 6, 5.) was secretly murdered by his brother Firmus, an act which occasioned dissensions and wars. For Romanus, hastening with extreme zeal to avenge his death, resorted to many formidable means for the destruction of the assassin; and, as persistent rumours divulged, even at court vigorous measures were taken to make sure that the reports of Romanus, which heaped up many serious charges against Firmus, should be gladly received and read out to the emperor; and many voices united in supporting these reports. But, on the contrary, the arguments which Firmus through his friends frequently presented in his defence for the purpose of saving his life, although they were received, were long concealed; for Remigius, at that time marshal of the court, a relative and friend of Romanus, declared that amid the more important and pressing