Res Gestae

Ammianus Marcellinus

Ammianus Marcellinus. Ammianus Marcellinus, with an English translation, Vols. I-III. Rolfe, John C., translator. Cambridge, MA; London: Harvard University Press; W. Heinemann, 1935-1940 (printing).

However, the Etruscan soothsayers, who accompanied the other adepts in interpreting prodigies, since they were not believed when they often tried to prevent this campaign, now brought out their books on war, and showed that this sign was adverse and prohibitory to a prince invading another’s territory, even though he was in the right.

But they were spurned by the opposition of the philosophers, whose authority was then highly valued, but who were sometimes in error and very persistent in matters with which they had little acquaintance. They, indeed, advanced as a specious argument for establishing belief in their knowledge,

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that when the former Caesar Maximianus was already on the point of engaging with Narseus, king of the Persians, in the same way a lion and a huge boar that had been killed were brought to him, and that he came back safely after conquering the enemy. And there was no idea at all that such a portent threatened destruction to the invader of another’s territory, although Narseus had first seized Armenia, which was subject to Roman jurisdiction.

Likewise, on the following day, which was the seventh of April, as the sun was already sloping towards its setting, starting with a little cloud thick darkness suddenly filled the air and daylight was removed; and after much menacing thunder and lightning a soldier named Jovian, with two horses which he was bringing back after watering them at the river, was struck dead by a bolt from the sky.

Upon seeing this, Julian again called in the interpreters of omens, and on being questioned they declared emphatically that this sign also forbade the expedition, pointing out that the thunderbolt was of the advisory kind;[*](On this kind of thunderbolt see Seneca, Nat. Quaest. ii. 39, 1 ff.) for so those are called which either recommend or dissuade any act. And so much the more was it necessary to guard against this one. because it killed a soldier of lofty name[*](Since Jovianus is connected with Jupiter.) as well as war-horses, and because places which were struck in that manner—so the books on lightning[*](These prescribed the rites and taboos connected with thunderbolts. The expression libri fulgurales seems to occur only here and in Cic., Div. i. 33, 72, where we have haruspicini et fulgurales et rituales libri. ) declare— must neither be looked upon nor trodden.

The philosophers, on the other hand, maintained that the brilliance of the sacred fire which suddenly appeared signified nothing at all, but was merely the course of a stronger mass of air sent downward from the aether by some force; or if it did give any sign, it foretold

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an increase in renown for the emperor, as he was beginning a glorious enterprise, since it is well known that flames by their very nature mount on high without opposition.

So when the bridge had been broken down (as was said before) and all had crossed, the emperor thought that the most urgent of all his duties was to address the soldiers, who were advancing confidently through trust in themselves and their leader. Therefore, when the signal had been given with the trumpets, and all the centuries, cohorts and maniples had come together, he took his place upon a mound of earth, surrounded by a ring of high officials, and with calm countenance and favoured with the unanimous devotion of all, spoke as follows:

Seeing the great vigour and eagerness that animate you, my valiant soldiers, I have resolved to address you, in order to explain in full detail that this is not the first time—as some evil-minded men mutter—that the Romans have invaded the Persian kingdom. For not to mention Lucullus and Pompey, who, passing through the Albani and the Massagetae, whom we now call the Alani, broke into this nation also and came to the Caspian Sea, we know that Ventidius,[*](See Plut., Ant. 33, 4; 34, 1; Val. Max. vi. 9, 9.) the lieutenant-general of Antony, inflicted innumerable sanguinary defeats in this region.

But to leave ancient times, I will disclose what recent history has transmitted to us. Trajan, Verus, and Severus returned from here victorious and adorned with trophies,[*](Tropaeati seems to be a word coined by Ammianus.) and the

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younger Gordianus,[*](Emperor from 238-244; see Index I., vol. i., s.v. Gordiani. In 242 he made a campaign against the Per- sians, at first with success; but his troops, incited by Philippus, mutinied and put him to death.) whose monument we just now looked upon with reverence, would have come back with equal glory, after vanquishing the Persian king and putting him to flight at Resaina,[*](A town of Osdroëne.) had he not been struck down by an impious wound inflicted by the faction of Philippus, the praetorian prefect, and a few wicked accomplices, in the very place where he now lies buried. But his shade did not long wander unavenged, for as if their deeds were weighed in the scales of Justice, all who had conspired against him perished by agonising deaths.[*](Cf. Capit., Gordian. 33, and Suet., Jul. 89, of the as- sassins of Julius Caesar.)

Those emperors, indeed, their own desire, inclined as they were to lofty enterprises, drove to undertake noteworthy exploits, but we are urged on to our present purpose by the pitiful fate of recently captured cities, by the unavenged shades of armies destroyed, by the great disasters that have been suffered, and by the loss of many a camp. For everybody’s desires are one with ours to make good the past and give strength to our country by making this side of her domain safe, and thus leave to future generations material for singing our praises.

Everywhere shall I, with the help of the eternal deity, be by your side, as emperor, as leader, and as fellow horseman,[*](antesignanus et conturmalis seems to imply playing the part now of a leader of the infantry and now of the cavalry.) and (as I think) under favourable auspices. But if fickle fortune should overthrow me in any battle, I shall be content with having sacrificed myself for the Roman world, after the

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example of the Curtii[*](Cf. Livy, vii. 6, 1 ff.) and Mucii[*](Cf. Livy, ii. 12.) of old and the noble family of the Decii.[*](See xvi. 10, 3.) We must wipe out a most mischievous nation, on whose sword-blades the blood of our kinsmen is not yet dry.

Our forefathers spent many ages in eradicating whatever caused them trouble. Carthage was conquered in a long and difficult war, but our distinguished leader[*](Scipio Aemilianus; cf. Seneca, Dial. xi. 14, 5, quid referam Aemilianum Scipionem . . . vir in hoc natus, ne urbi Romanae aut Scipio deesset aut Carthago superesset. ) feared that she might survive the victory. Scipio utterly destroyed Numantia,[*](Cf. Florus, i. 24, 18. The siege lasted, with interruptions, for thirteen years.) after undergoing many vicissitudes in its siege. Rome laid Fidenae[*](Cf. Livy, iv. 17 ff.) low, in order that no rivals of her power might grow up, and for that same reason crushed Falerii and Veil;[*](Cf. Livy, v. 25-27.) and even trustworthy ancient histories would have difficulty in convincing us that those cities were ever powerful.[*](Cf. Flor. i. 6, 11, laborat annalium fides, ut Veios fuisse credamus, Our trust in our annals has a difficult task to make us believe that Veii ever existed. Florus, L.C.L., p. 41.)

This I have set forth from my knowledge of ancient records; it remains for each of you, putting aside the desire for plunder, which has often tempted the Roman soldier, to keep with the army on its march, and when battle must be joined, to follow each his own standard, remembering that if anyone falls behind, he will be left hamstrung.[*](In this way the Persians disabled prisoners for whom they had no use; cf. xix. 6, 2; xxxi. 7, 13; so also the Romans, xvii. 13, 10; xxv. 3, 5.) For I fear nothing, save the craft and treachery of the over-cunning enemy.

Finally, I promise one and all that when, after this, affairs

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shall be brought to a successful conclusion, waiving all prior rights of princes, who by reason of their full powers think that whatever they have said or resolved is just, I will give to anyone who demands it an account of what has been rightly or wrongly undertaken.

Therefore rouse, I pray you, at once rouse your courage, both in the anticipation of great success, since you will undergo whatever difficulty arises on equal terms with me, and with the conviction that victory must always attend the just cause.

After the speech had been brought to this most welcome conclusion, the warriors, exulting in the fame of their leader, and still more greatly fired with the hope of success, lifted their shields on high and cried that nothing would be dangerous or difficult under a leader who imposed more toil upon himself than on the common soldiers.

In particular, the Gallic troops showed this feeling by joyful shouts, remembering how often under his command, and as he ran about from company to company, they had seen some nations overcome and others reduced to entreaties.

Affairs have reached a point where I am led in a rapid digression to explain the topography of the Persian kingdom, carefully compiled from the descriptions of the nations, in only a few of which the truth has been told, and that barely. My

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account, however, will be a little fuller, which will be to the advantage of complete knowledge. For anyone who aims at extreme brevity in telling of the unknown tries to discover what he ought to leave out rather than what he may explain more clearly.

This kingdom, which was once small and for reasons which we have often given was called before by various names, after the fates had taken off Alexander the Great at Babylon, took its name from the Parthian Arsaces,[*](I.e. were called Parthians; see Justinus, xli. 4, 6 f.) a man of low birth; he had been a brigand chief during his younger days, but since his ideals gradually changed for the better, by a series of brilliant exploits he rose to greater heights.

After many glorious and valiant deeds, and after he had conquered Seleucus Nicator,[*](It was not Seleucus Nicator, but Seleucus II., Callinicus, the fourth king after Nikator, who was conquered by Arsaces; see Justinus, xli. 4, 9.) successor of the said Alexander, on whom his many victories had conferred that surname,[*](Nicator (cf. xiv. 8, 5) means the victorious. ) and had driven out the Macedonian garrisons, he passed his life in quiet peace, and was a mild ruler and judge of his subjects.

Finally, after all the neighbouring lands had been brought under his rule, by force, by regard for justice, or by fear, and he had filled Persia with cities, with fortified camps, and with strongholds, and to all the neighbouring peoples, which she had previously feared, he had made her a constant cause of dread, he died a peaceful death in middle life. And nobles and commons rivalling each other in agreement, he was placed among the stars according to the sacred custom of their country; and (as they believe) he was the first of all to be so honoured.