Res Gestae

As soon as the feast was ended, he laid a strong hand on Vadomarius and handed him over to the commander of the soldiers, to be closely confined in camp, having read to him the text of his orders; the king’s companions he compelled to return to their homes, since no order touching them had been given.

The aforesaid king, however, was taken to the camp of the prince, and though now without any hope of pardon, since he had learned that his secretary had been taken and that what he had written to Constantius was now generally known, without even being addressed in reproachful terms he was sent to Spain. For the greatest precaution was taken lest, when Julian should withdraw from Gaul, that most savage king should not lawlessly disturb the condition of the provinces, which had been put in order with difficulty.

Although Julian was somewhat elated by this good fortune, in that the king, whom he dreaded when about to leave for far countries, had been apprehended sooner than he had expected, yet he did not at all relax his diligence, but planned an attack upon the savages who (as I have shown[*](See 3, 3, above.) ) had slain the Count Libino and a few of his followers in battle.

And in order that no rumour of his coming might lead them to flee to more distant places, he

While performing these exploits with resolute courage, Julian, surmising what a mass of civil strife he had aroused, and wisely foreseeing that nothing was so favourable to a sudden enterprise as speedy action, thought that he would be safer if he openly admitted his revolt, and being uncertain of the loyalty of the troops, he first propitiated Bellona[*](Here probably the Cappadocian goddess of war; see T. L. L. s.v.) with a secret rite, and then, after calling the army to an assembly with the clarion, he took his place on a tribunal of stone, and now feeling more confident (as was evident), spoke these words in a louder voice than common:

Long since, noble[*](Magni is an unusual form of address, cf. amantissimi, 13, 10, below; Erfurdt conjectured magnanimi, see crit. note.) fellow-soldiers, I have believed in my secret thoughts that you, fired by your valiant deeds, have been waiting to learn how the events that are expected may be weighed and provided for beforehand. For it becomes the soldier reared amid great and glorious deeds to use his ears rather than his tongue, and for a leader of tried justice to have no other thoughts than those

By Heaven’s will united with you from the very beginning of my youth, I checked the constant inroads of the Alamanni and the Franks and their unending lust for plunder, and by our combined courage I made it possible for the Rhine to be crossed by Roman armies as often as they wished; and in standing firm against the clamour of rumours and the forcible invasions of mighty nations I relied, I assure you, on the support of your valour.

Gaul, an eye-witness of these labours that we have performed, and now restored after many losses and long and grievous calamities, will hand down these achievements of ours to posterity through countless[*](For examina in this sense, cf. xxx. 4, 18, dilationum examina. ) ages.

But now that, forced by the authority of your choice and by stress of circumstances, I have been raised to Augustan dignity, with your support and that of the deity (if fortune favours our enterprises), I am aiming higher at greater deeds, openly declaring that to an army whose justice and greatness in arms are renowned I have seemed in time of peace a mild and self-controlled leader, and in many wars against the united forces of nations, sagacious and prudent.

Therefore, that we may with the closest unanimity of purpose forestall adverse events, follow my course of action, which is salutary (I think), since our intention and desire are in harmony with the welfare of the state;[*](The sentence is not clear; it perhaps means since the present period of quiet is favourable to our intention and desire; i.e. since our opponents have as yet taken no action.) and while

In support of this plan[*](Pighius (see crit. note) takes ut . . . ex more as tautology, citing Spart. Hadr. 15, 2; Livy, iv. 2, 4; etc.) do you, I pray, after the manner of those who trust their leaders,[*](So Pighius, citing Lucan, ix. 373, and Statius, Theb. vi. 678, for fidens with a genitive.) promise under oath your lasting and faithful accord; I for my part will strive diligently and anxiously that nothing be done rashly or with faint heart, and I will show, if any one require it, my conscience clean, in that I will undertake or try nothing willingly except what contributes to the common weal.

This one thing I beg and implore: see to it that none of you under the impulse of growing ardour be guilty of injury to private citizens, bearing in mind that not so much the slaughter of countless foemen has made us famous as the prosperity and safety of the provinces, widely known through instances of virtuous conduct.

By this speech of the emperor, no less approved than the words of some oracle, the assembly was strongly moved. Eager for revolution, with one accord they mingled fear-inspiring shouts with the violent clash of shields, calling him a great and exalted leader and (as they knew from experience) a fortunate victor over nations and kings.

And when all had been bidden to take the usual oath of allegiance, aiming their swords at their throats,[*](See xvii. 12, 16, note.) they swore in set terms under pain of dire execrations, that they would endure all hazards for him, to the

Alone among all the prefect Nebridius, with a loyalty that was firm rather than prudent, opposed him, declaring that he could by no means be bound by an oath against Constantius, to whom he was indebted for many and repeated acts of kindness.

Upon hearing this the soldiers who were standing near, inflamed with anger, rushed upon him to slay him; but the emperor, at whose knees he had fallen, covered him with his general’s cloak. Then Julian returned to the palace. And when he saw that Nebridius had preceded him and was lying there as a suppliant, begging that, to relieve his fears, the emperor would offer him his hand, Julian answered: Will any special honour be reserved for my friends, if you shall touch my hand? But depart in safety whithersoever you please. On hearing this, Nebridius withdrew unharmed[*](innoxius may be either passive or active in meaning; that is, uninjured or making no further opposition to Julian: probably the former.) to his home in Tuscany.[*](He was again made praetorian prefect by Valens; see xxvi. 7, 4, 5.)

After taking these precautions, as the greatness of the enterprise demanded, Julian, knowing by experience the value of anticipating and outstripping an adversary in troublous times,[*](Cf. 5, 1, above; xxvi. 7, 4; Sallust, Cat. xliii. 4, maximum bonum in celeritate putabat. ) having given written[*](Cf. Suet. Galba, 6, 2. The tessera was a square tablet on which the watchword (see xiv. 2, 15) or an order, was written; in xxiii. 2, 2, expeditionalis tessera is used for an order to march.) order for a march into Pannonia, advanced his

It is now fitting to turn back to the past and give a brief account of what Constantius, who was wintering at Antioch, accomplished in peace and in war, while the events just described were taking place in Gaul.

Among many others of conspicuous distinction there were also appointed to greet the emperor when he came from abroad some illustrious tribunes. Therefore when Constantius, on his return from Mesopotamia, was received with this attention, Amphilochius, a former tribune from Paphlagonia, who had served long before under Constans and was under well-founded suspicion of having sown the seeds of discord between the deceased brothers,[*](Constantinus II and Constans. After the death of Constantine the Great his son Constantinus II received the rule of Gaul, Spain, and Britain. He thought the division of power unfair, and asked Constans for Africa or Italy as well, or for a new division. When he went to Italy with a large following to discuss the matter, Constans was persuaded to send troops against him, who captured Constantine and put him to death. None of the readings or meanings proposed for priores (or prioris) is wholly satisfactory. Gronov and Wagner took it in the sense of qui fuerant, demortuos; the former cites priore aestate, prioribus comitiis (= transactis, quae fuerant).) having dared to appear somewhat arrogantly, as if he also ought to be admitted to this service, was recognised and forbidden. And when many raised an outcry and shouted that he ought not to be allowed longer to look upon the light of day, being a stiff-necked traitor, Constantius,

On the next day, at the games in the Circus, the same man was looking on from a place opposite the emperor, where he usually sat. And when the expected contest began and a sudden shout was raised, the railing on which with many others be was leaning broke, and he with all the rest fell to the ground; and while a few were slightly injured, he alone was found to have suffered internal injuries and to have given up the ghost, whereat Constantius rejoiced greatly, as if he had a knowledge of future events also.