Noctes Atticae

Gellius, Aulus

Gellius, Aulus. The Attic Nights of Aulus Gellius. Rolfe, John C., translator. Cambridge, Mass.; London: Harvard University Press; William Heinemann, 1927 (printing).

A quotation from an early decree of the senate, which provided that sacrifice should be made with full-grown victims because the spears of Mars had moved in the sanctuary; also an explanation of the meaning of hostiae succidaneae and likewise of porca praecidanea; and further, that Ateius Capito called certain holidays praecidaneae.

NOT only was an earthquake regularly reported, and expiatory offerings made on that account, but I also find it mentioned in early records, that report was made to the senate when the spears of Mars [*](The spears sacred to Mars and the sacred shields (ancilia) were said to move of their own accord when danger threatened. According to Dio, xliv. 17, they shook violently before the death of Caesar.) had moved in the sanctuary in the Regia. [*](A building in the Roman Forum, near the temple of Vesta, the official headquarters of the pontifex maximus. According to tradition, it was built and dwelt in by Numa. It contained a sanctuary of Mars, in which the sacred spears and shields (ancilia) were sometimes kept. Dio, however, xliv. 17, tells us that at the time of Caesar's death they were in his house, i. e. the domus public (see Suet. Jul. xlvi.).) Because of such an occurrence, a decree of the senate was passed in the consulship of Marcus Antonius and Aulus Postumius, [*](99 B. C.) of which this is a copy:

Whereas Gaius Julius, son of Lucius, the pontifex, has reported that the spears of Mars have moved in the sanctuary in the Regia, the senate has therefore decreed with reference to that matter, that Marcus Antonius the consul should make expiation to Jupiter and Mars with full-grown victims, and with unweaned victims to such of the other gods as he thought proper. They decided that it should be regarded as sufficient for him to have sacrificed with these. If there should be any need of additional victims, the additional offerings should be made with red victims.

Inasmuch as the senate called some victims succidaneae, it is often inquired what that word means.

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Also in the comedy of Plautus which is entitled Epidicus I hear that inquiry is made about that same word, which occurs in these verses: [*](139 f. )

  1. Should I the victim of your folly be
  2. And let you sacrifice my back to it,
  3. As substitute for yours?

Now it is said that the victims were called succidaneae —which is equivalent to succaedaneae, the diphthong ae, according to the custom in compound words, being changed to i—because if the expiation was not effected by the first victims, other victims were brought and killed after them; and since these, after the first had already been offered, were substituted for the sake of making atonement and were

slain in succession to
the others, they were called succidaneae, [*](From sub and caedo.) the letter i, of course, being pronounced long; for I hear that some barbarously shorten that letter in this word.

Moreover, it is on the same linguistic principle that praecidanea is applied to those victims which are offered on the day before the regular sacrifices. Also the sow is called praecidalea [*](From prae and caedo, slay beforehand.) which it was usual to offer up to Ceres before the harvesting of the new crops, for the sake of expiation in case any had failed to purify a defiled household, or had performed that rite in an improper manner.

But that a sow and certain victims are called praecidaneae, as I have said, is a matter of common knowledge; that some festivals are called praecidaneae is a fact I think that is not known to the general public. Therefore I have quoted a passage from the fifth book of the treatise which Ateius Capito compiled On Pontifical Law: [*](Fr. 8, Huschke; 1, Bremer.)

Tiberius
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Coruncanius, the pontifex maximus, appointed feriae praecidaneae, or
a preparatory festival,
for a day of ill-omen. The college of pontiffs voted that there need be no religious scruple against celebrating the feriae praecidaneae on that day.
[*](So little is known about the feriae praecidaneae that it is not easy to tell whether this vote was for that occasion only (on that day ) or was general (on such a day ). Since Gellius, v. 17. 2, quotes Verrius Flaccus as saying that no sacrifice could properly be made on a dies ater, the former seems the more probable. In any case, the action of Coruncanius was evidently criticized, and his colleagues came to his rescue. Possibly preliminary sacrifices might be offered on such a day, or praecidaneae as applied to feriae may not have involved sacrifices. The statement in Smith's Dict. of Antiq. 3rd ed., ii. p. 839, that feriae praecidaneae were often dies atri, and were on certain occasions inaugurated by the chief pontiff, does not seem warranted by this passage, which is the only one in which the phrase occurs.)

On a letter of the grammarian Valerius Probus, written to Marcellus, regarding the accent of certain Punic names.

VALERIUS PROBUS the grammarian was conspicuous among the men of his time for his learning. He pronounced Hannibalem and Hasdrubalem and Hamilcarem with a circumflex accent on the penult, and there is a letter addressed To Marcellus, in which he asserts that Plautus, [*](Frag. inc. xlii. Götz.) and Ennius and many other early writers pronounced in that way; but he quotes a single line of Ennius alone, from the book entitled Scipio.

That verse, composed in octonarii, [*](The term octonarius is applied both to a trochaic tetrameter acatalectic (as here in the Latin verse) or to an iambic tetrameter acatalectic. It consisted of eight trochaic or iambic feet. Substitutions were allowed in every foot except the last. See note on senarius, p. 329.) I have appended; in it, unless the third syllable of Hannibal's name is circumflexed, [*](In the Latin line the ictus falls on the penult Hánnibális, but the ordinary pronunciation was Hanníbalis.) the metre will halt. The verse of Ennius to which I referred reads thus: [*](Varia, 13, Vahlen2, who reads quaque.)

And where near Hannibal's forces he had camped. [*](Vahlen and the T.L.L. take considerat from consido, Weiss from considero.)

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What Gaius Fabricius said of Cornelius Rufinus, an avaricious man, whose election to the consulship he supported, although he hated him and was his personal enemy.

FABRICIUS LUSCINUS was a man of great renown and great achievements. Publius Cornelius Rufinus was, to be sure, a man energetic in action, a good warrior, and a master of military tactics, but thievish and keen for money. This man Fabricius neither respected nor treated as a friend, but hated him because of his character. Yet when consuls were to be chosen at a highly critical period for the State, and that Rufinus was a candidate while his competitors were without military experience and untrustworthy, Fabricius used every effort to have the office given to Rufinus. [*](This was in 290 B.C. at the beginning of the last Samnite war. Rufinus was consul again in 277 B. C.) When many men expressed surprise at his attitude, in wishing an avaricious man, towards whom he felt bitter personal enmity, to be elected consul, he said:

I would rather be robbed by a fellow-citizen than sold [*](That is, sold into slavery by a victorious foe.) by the enemy.

This Rufinus afterwards, when he had been dictator and twice consul, Fabricius in his censorship expelled from the senate [*](In 275 B.C.) on the charge of extravagance, because he possessed ten pounds weight of silver plate. That remark of Fabricius about Rufinus I gave above in the form in which it appears in most historians; but Marcus Cicero, in the second book of the De Oratore, says [*](§268.) that it was not made by Fabricius to others, but to Rufinus himself, when he was thanking Fabricius because he had been elected consul through his help.

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On the proper meaning of religiosus; and what changes the meaning of that word has undergone; and remarks of Nigidius Figulus on that subject, drawn from his Commentaries.

NIGIDIUS FIGULUS, in my opinion the most learned of men next to Marcus Varro, in the eleventh book of his Grammatical Commentaries, quotes [*](Fr. 4, Swoboda.) a truly remarkable line from an early poet: [*](p. 297, Ribbeck3, who reads: réligentem esse <téd> oportet, réligiosus né fuas, following Fleckeisen.)

  1. Best it is to be religious, lest one superstitious be;
but he does not name the author of the poem. And in the same connection Nigidius adds:
The suffix osus in words of this kind, such as vinosus, mulierosus, religiosus, always indicates an excessive amount of the quality in question. Therefore religiosus is applied to one who has involved himself in an extreme and superstitious devotion, which was regarded as a fault.

But in addition to what Nigidius says, by another shift in meaning religiosus began to be used of an upright and conscientious man, who regulates his conduct by definite laws and limits. Similarly too the following terms, which have the same origin, appear to have acquired different meanings; namely, religiosus dies and religiosa delubra. For those days are called religiosi which are of ill-fame and are hampered by an evil omen, so that on them one must refrain from offering sacrifice or beginning any new business whatever; they are, namely, the days that the ignorant multitude falsely and improperly call ne fasti. [*](On ne fasti dies it was impious for legal business to be carried on, or assemblies held.) Thus Marcus Cicero, in the ninth

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book of his Letters to Atticus, writes: [*](ix. 5. 2.)
Our forefathers maintained that the day of the battle at the Allia was more calamitous than that on which the city was taken; because the latter disaster was the result of the former. Therefore the one day is even now religiosus, while the other is unknown to the general public.
Yet the same Marcus Tullius, in his speech On Appointing a Prosecutor, [*](Div. in Caec. 3.) uses the term religiosa delubra of shrines which are not ill-omened and gloomy, but full of majesty and sacredness. Masurius Sabinus too, in his Notes on Native Words, says: [*](Fr. 13, Huschke; p. 366, Bremer.)
Religiosus is that which because of some sacred quality is removed and withdrawn from us; the word is derived from relinquo, as is caerimonia from careo.
[*](The sense of relinquo as= avoid is shown below (§ 10); that of careo is explained by Paul. Fest. (pp. 62 and 298, Lindsay, s.v. denariae and purimenstrio) as referring to doing without, or refraining from, certain things on ceremonial days. Some Roman etymologists derived caerimonia from the town of Caere, others from caritas; see Paul. Fest. p. 38, Linds. The origin of the word is uncertain. For religio some accept Cicero's derivation from relegere (Nat. Deor. ii. 72), others that of Lactantius (iv. 28) from religare.) According to this explanation of Sabinus, temples indeed and shrines—since an accumulation of these does not give rise to censure, as in case of things which are praised for their moderate use—since they are to be approached, not unceremoniously and thoughtlessly, but after purification and in due form, must be both revered and feared, rather than profaned; but those days are called religiosi which for the opposite reason, because they are of dire omen, we avoid. [*](That is, we avoid doing business, or undertaking any enterprise, on such days.) And Terence says: [*](Heaut. 228; Dziatzko reads: turn quód dem ei recte est; nám nil esse míhi religiost dícere.)
  1. Then too I give her nothing, except to say
    All right;
  2. For I avoid confessing my impecunious plight.
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But if, as Nigidius says, all derivatives of that kind indicate an excessive and immoderate degree, and therefore have a bad sense, as do vinosus (
fond of wine
), mulierosus (
fond of women
), morosus (
whimsical
), verbosus (
wordy
), famosus (
notorious
), [*](The meaning full of or abounding in does not suit all these words, although it is related to their meaning. Thus a habit (mos) easily becomes a whim, and one who is morosus is likely to be peevish; for a somewhat different idea see Cicero, Tusc. Disp. iv. 54, bene igitur nostri, cum omnia essent in moribus vitia, quod nullum erat iracundia foedius, iracundos solos morosos nomninaverunt. It should be noted too that famosus is used also in a good sense.) why are ingeniosus (
talented
), formosus (
beautiful
), officiosus (
dutiful
), and speciosus (
showy
), [*](Since speciosus is used also in a bad sense, it should perhaps be omitted (see crit. note); but cf. famosus, in the preceding list.) which are formed in the same way from ingenium, forma, officium, and species, why too are disciplinosus (
well-trained
), consiliosus (
full of wisdom
), victoriosus (
victorious
), words coined by Marcus Cato, [*](Fr. inc. 42, Jordan.) why too facundiosts—for Sempronius Asellio in the thirteenth book of his History wrote, [*](Fr. 10, Peter.)
one should regard his deeds, not his words if they are less eloquent (facundiosa)
—why, I say, are all these adjectives used, not in a bad, but in a good sense, although they too indicate an excessive amount of the quality which they signify? Is it because a certain necessary limit must be set for the qualities indicated by those words which I first cited? For favour if it is excessive and without limit, [*](As would be indicated by gratiosus, which, however, Gellius has not mentioned among the words which he first cited.) and habits if they are too many and varied, and words if they are unceasing, endless and deafening, and fame if it should be great and restless and begetting envy; all these are neither praiseworthy nor useful; but talent, duty, beauty, training, wisdom, victory and eloquence, being in
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themselves great virtues, are confined within no limits, but the greater and more extensive they are, the more are they deserving of praise.