Regum et imperatorum apophthegmata

Plutarch

Plutarch. Moralia, Vol. III. Babbitt, Frank Cole, translator. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press; London: William Heinemann Ltd., 1931 (printing).

When some complained against Manius Curius because he apportioned to each man but a small part of the land taken from the enemy, and made the most of it public land, he prayed that there might never be a Roman who would regard as small the land that gave him enough to live on. [*](Cf. Pliny, Natural History, xviii. 4 (18); Columella, i. 3. 10: Valerius Maximus, iv. 3. 5; Frontinus, Strategemata, iv. 3. 12.)

When the Samnites came to him after their defeat and offered him money, he happened to be cooking turnips in pots. He made answer to the Samnites that he had no need of money when he could make his dinner from this sort of food; and for him it was better than having money to hold sway over those who had it. [*](There are many referecnes to this incident as typical of the simple life; cf. for example Plutarch’s Life of Cato Major, chap. ii. (337 A); Athenaeus, 419 A; Cicero, De Republica, iii. 28 (40); Pliny, Natural History, xix. 26 (87); Valerius Maximus, iv. 3. 5. Frontinus, Strategemata, iv. 3. 2, and Aulus Gellius, i. 14, strangely enough, attribute the remark to Fabricius.)

Gaius Fabricius, upon learning of the defeat of

the Romans by Pyrrhus, said, Pyrrhus has defeated Laevinus, but the Epirotes have not defeated the Romans. [*](Cf. Plutarch’s Life of Pyrrhus, chap. xviii. (394 C). The defeat of Laevinus was in 280 B.C.)

When he carne to see Pyrrhus about ransoming the prisoners of war, Pyrrhus offered him much money, but he would not accept it. On the following day Pyrrhus made ready his biggest elephant,all unknown to Fabricius, to appear and trumpet suddenly behind his back; and when this plan had been carried out, Fabricius turned and said with a smile, Neither your money yesterday nor your beast to-day has astounded me. [*](Ibid. chap. xx. (395 E).)

Pyrrhus urged Fabricius to stay with him and be the second in command, but Fabricius said, But there is no advantage in this for you; for, if the Epirotes come to know us both, they will prefer to be ruled by me rather than by you. [*](Ibid. chap. xx. (396 A).)

When Fabricius was consul, [*](In 278 B.C.) Pyrrhus’s physician sent a letter to him, offering, if he should give thi word, to kill Pyrrhus by poison. Fabricius sent the letter to Pyrrhus, bidding him note the reason why he was the worst possible judge both of friends and of foes. [*](Cf. Plutarch’s Life of Pyrrhus, chap. xxi. (296 B); Cicero, De officiis, i. 13 (40), and iii. 22 (86); Valerius Maximus, vi. 5. 1; Aulus Gellius, iii. 8; Frontinus, Strategemata, iv. 4. 2.)

Pyrrhus, having thus discovered the plot, caused his physician to be hanged, and gave back the prisoners of war to Fabricius without ransom. Fabricius, however, would not accept them as a gift, but gave an equal number in return, lest he should give the impression that he was getting a reward. For, as he said, it was not to win favour with

Pyrrhus that he had disclosed the plot, but that the Romans might not have the repute of killing through treachery, as if they could not win an open victory . [*](Cf. Plutarch’s Life of Pyrrhus, chap. xxi. (396 D).)

Fabius Maximus wished to avoid a battle with Hannibal, but, in time, to wear out his force, which was in need of both money and food; and so he followed close after him, taking a parallel route, through rough and mountainous places. When most people laughed at him, and called him a slave in attendance on Hannibal, he paid little attention, and continued to follow his own counsels. To his friends he said that he thought the man who feared gibes and jeers was more of a coward than the one who ran away from the enemy. [*](Cf. Plutarch’s Life of Fabius Maximus, chap. v. (177 A); Diodorus, xxvi. 3. 1.)

When his colleague in command, Minucius, laid low some of the enemy, and there was much talk of him as a man worthy of Rome, Fabius said that he felt more afraid over Minucius’s good luck than over any bad luck he might have. And not long after, Minucius fell into an ambush and was in great danger of being destroyed together with his forces, when Fabius carne to his aid, slew many of the enemy, and rescued him. Whereupon Hannibal said to his friends, Did I not often prophesy to you regarding that cloud upon the mountains, that some day it would let loose a storm upon us ? [*](Cf. Plutarch’s Life of Fabius Maximus, chaps. viii., xi., and xii. (179 A, 180 D, and 181 C); Livy, xxii. 25.)

After the misfortune which befell the State at Cannae [*](In 216 B.C.) he was chosen consul with Claudius Mar

cellus, a man possessed of daring and spoiling for a figbt with Hannibal. Fabius hoped, if nobody fought with Hannibal, that Hannibal’s forces, being under continual strain, would soon give out. Wherefore Hannibal said that he had more to fear from Fabius who would not fight than from Marcellus who would. [*](Plutarch’s Life of Fabius Maximus, chap. xix. (185 A-C).)

A certain Lucanian soldier was accused of wandering often from the camp at night for love of a young woman. Fabius, on hearing the accusation, ascertained that in other respects the man was an admirable man-at-arms, and he ordered that they secretly seize the man’s mistress and bring her to him. When she was brought, he sent for the man, and said to him, Your being away at night, contrary to the regulations, has not passed unnoticed, nor, on the other hand, your good service in the past. Therefore let your oifences be atoned for by your brave and manly deeds, and in future you will be with us, for I have a surety. And leading forward the girl he presented her to him. [*](Ibid. chap. xx. (186 A-C). Cf. also Valerius Maximus, vii. 3. 7.)

Hannibal kept the Tarentines in subjection by a garrison-all the city except the acropolis. Fabius drew him away a very long distance by a trick, and captured and sacked the city. When his secretary asked him what decision he had reached in regard to the sacred images, he said, Let us leave behind for the Tarentines their angered gods. [*](Cf. Plutarch’s Life of Fabius Maximus, chap. xxii. (187 A-C); Livy, xxvii. 16.)

Marcus Livius, who had all the time held the acropolis with his garrison, said that it was because of him that the city had been taken. The others laughed at him, but Fabius said, You are quite

right; for, if you had not lost the city, I should not have recaptured it. [*](Cf. Plutarch’s Life of Fabius Maximus, chap. xxiii. (187 E); Cicero, De oratore, ii. 67 (273), and De senectute, 4 (11).)

When he was already an elderly man, his son was consul, and was attending to the duties of his office in public in the presence of a large number of people. Fabius, mounted, was advancing on horseback. When the young man sent a lictor, and ordered his father to dismount, the others were thrown into consternation, but Fabius, leaping from his horse, ran up more nimbly than his years warranted, and, embracing his son, said, Well done, my boy; you show sense in that you realize whose official you are, and what a high office you have taken upon you. [*](Cf. Plutarch’s Life of Fabius Maximus, chap. xxiv. (188 A); Livy, xxiv. 44; Valerius Maximus, ii. 2. 4; Aulus Gellius, ii. 2.)

Scipio the Elder used to spend on literature all the leisure he could win from his military and political duties, and he used to say that he was busiest whenever he had nothing to do. [*](Cf. Cicero, De officiis, iii. 1 numquam se minus otiosum esse quam cum otiosus . . . esset. )

When he captured Carthage [*](New Carthage in Spain, 210 B.C.; Polybius, x. 8-19; Livy, xxvii. 7 and xxvi. 42-51.) by assault, some of his soldiers, having taken captive a comely maiden, came to him with her, and offered to give her to him. I would gladly take her, said he, if I were a private and not a commander. [*](Cf. Polybius, x. 19; Polyaenus, Strategemata, viii. 16. 6; Livy, xxvi. 50; Valerius Maximus, iv. 3. 1; Frontinus, Strategemata, ii. 11. 5; Aulus Gellius.)

While he was besieging the city of Baria, [*](Baria, attested by inscriptions, is probably the right spelling (variants: Barea, Bareia, Badia, Batheia), if the same town is meant.) in which was visible a temple of Venus overtopping all else, he ordered that in giving sureties for appearance they should specify that place, since he purposed two days hence to hear litigants in this temple of Venus. And so he did, as he had foretold, after the city had been taken. [*](Cf. Valerius Maximus, iii. 7. 1; and Aulus Gellius, vi. 1.)

When somebody inquired in Sicily on what he placed his reliance in purposing to take his army across to Carthage, he pointed out to the inquirer three hundred men [*](As in Livy, xxix. 1; Valerius Maximus, vii. 3. 3.) in armour, who were drilling, and also a lofty tower which overlooked the sea. There is not one of these men, said he, who would not go up to the top of that tower and throw himself down head first at my command.

When he had crossed over, and was master of the land, and had burned the enemy’s camps, the Carthaginians sent to him and made a treaty of peace, agreeing to surrender their elephants and ships, and to pay an indemnity. [*](Polybius, xv. 18, and Livy, xxx. 16, indicate similar terms.) But when Hannibal had sailed back from Italy, they were sorry because of their agreement, since they did not now feel afraid. Scipio, learning this, said that, not even if they wished it, would he keep the compact unless they paid a million pounds more, because they had sent for Hannibal. [*](Not noted in Livy, xxx. 35, nor elsewhere, apparently.)

When the Carthaginians had been utterly overthrown, they sent envoys to him to negotiate a treaty of peace, but he ordered those who had come to go away at once, refusing to listen to them before

they brought Lucius Terentius. This Terentius was a Roman, a man of good talents, who had been taken prisoner by the Carthaginians. And when they came bringing the man, Scipio seated him on the tribune next to himself in the conference, and, this done, he took up the negotiations with the Carthaginians, and terminated the war. [*](Cf. Livy, xxx. 43.)